The Battle of Mortimer’s Cross
The Battle of Mortimer’s Cross was fought in early February 1461. The exact date and the location of the battle are both subject to historical investigation. On either the 2nd or 3rd of February, a Yorkist force commanded by Edward Earl of March fought and defeated a Lancastrian army led by Jasper Tudor. Taking place near ‘Mortimer’s Cross’ resulted in a Yorkist victory. The battle is significant as it was the first time that the future King Edward IV had commanded an army. It also prevented Welsh reinforcements from reaching the Lancastrians based in the north of England. Victory here enabled the Yorkist campaign of March 1461, which culminated in their decisive victory at Towton.
The battle was fought following the Battle of Wakefield. This had seen Lancastrian forces reverse their fortunes. The Duke of York, his son the Earl of Rutland and the influential Earl of Salisbury had all perished. Queen Margaret’s force had reversed the Lancastrians’ fortunes following their loss at Northampton and Act of Accord.
Lancastrian Movements from the Battle of Northampton to the Battle of Wakefield.
After the Battle of Northampton, Queen Margaret travelled to Wales.
“and there hens she remevyd fulle prevely unto the Lorde Jesper, Lorde and Erle of Penbroke…” Gregory’s Chronicle
Jasper Tudor was most probably at Pembroke Castle. The Queen would be able to discuss the Lancastrian response to the threat posed by the Yorkists. From his position in Wales, Tudor would control the important port of Milford Haven, the only port that could be easily accessed from France, Ireland, and Scotland. This was important as a means of limiting the Yorkists ability to bring reinforcements into play.
James Butler, the Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, had fled to the continent following the Yorkist landing in Kent. The Queen wrote to him and ordered him to recruit French and Breton mercenaries. He was also instructed to have his own men in Ireland ready themselves at Wexford or Waterford. These men would then sail to Milford Haven for the coming campaign.
After spending time in Wales, Queen Margaret departed for Scotland in late 1460. Here she met with Mary of Guelders. The meeting agreed to a pact that saw the Scots supporting the Lancastrian army in the north of England in exchange for the border town of Berwick-upon-Tweed.
Around the same time, the Duke of Somerset and Earl of Devon moved men from the West Country to the North of England. They sailed through the channel and disembarked at Hull.
The Earl of Northumberland was asked to raise his retinue. A sizeable army, it was used to answering a call to array. It was quickly in place with men stationed at York and Pontefract.
By December 1460, the Lancastrians had a large army in Yorkshire, with further men on the way from Scotland.
Yorkist movements between the Battle of Northampton and the Battle of Wakefield.
After the Battle of Northampton, the Yorkists had control of London. The Yorkist government sent word to lords in the Southern Welsh Marches to ready themselves for war. This included James Baskerville of Eardisley, Richard Croft of Croft Castle, Walter Devereux of Weobley, Henry ap Gruffydd of Vowchurch, Sir William Herbert of Raglan, Thomas Monington of Sarnesfield and Roger Vaughan of Tretower. Edward Earl of March also received a formal commission to raise an army in the Marches. Based around the Yorkist heartland of Herefordshire, their task in any future combat would be to ensure Yorkist control over the region, including cutting off any Lancastrian forces from Tudor’s lands seeking to meet up with the northern army.
The importance of the area was clear to both sides. The southern Marches controlled access between England and Southern Wales. Whoever held it had considerable authority over a large region stretching across South Wales, the English West Midlands, and the South West of England.
The Duke of York arrived in England from his exile in Ireland in September 1460. He landed in North Wales and marched to London. There, he made a claim for the throne. The nobles agreed upon a compromise that would see Richard Duke of York and his line become heirs to the throne in place of the Lancastrian line of descent.
Act of Accord
Following that compromise, the Act of Accord, both factions had increased their military build-up. This was the time when the Scots were making their agreement with Margaret. Somerset and Devon made their journey north, and the Earl of Northumberland was rallying his men to the Queen’s cause.
As it became clear that military force was going to be needed, the Earl of March was sent from London to take command of the situation in the Welsh Marches. He is believed to have spent the Christmas of 1460 at Shrewsbury. His father, the Duke of York, gathered a force to meet the Lancastrian threat in the north.
In the north, the Yorkists suffered a devastating blow. Having left the safety of his castle at Sandal, the Duke of York and his army were defeated by a Lancastrian army. The Duke of York and his son the Earl of Rutland perished. The Earl of Salisbury was beheaded at Pontefract Castle the next day.
News of the Battle of Wakefield spread quickly. But there was no rash response to it from any party. The Lancastrians waited for the Queen and her new Scottish allies to arrive before beginning a march south. The Earl of Warwick continued to prepare in London. Edward, Earl of March, made no clear movement, nor did his most likely adversary, the Earl of Pembroke.
‘’And this tyme, therl of Marche beyng in Shrewsbury, hering the deth of his fadre, desired Assistence & Ayd of the town for tavenge his fadres deth; & fro thense went to Walys, wher, at Candelmasse after, he had A batail at Mortimess Crosse Ayenst therles of Penbrok & of Wilshire … ‘ (Brut Chronicle)
The scene was now set for a confrontation between Edward and Jasper Tudor. The Yorkists had gathered in territories long established as being a stronghold for their followers. The evidence suggests that they were based around Wigmore and Ludlow. These two places allowed Edward to gather a sizeable force without retaining men and paying them for long periods.
Tudor seems to have had foreign mercenaries bolster his ranks. The nature of their recruitment and arrival date is unknown, but it seems probable that they were those that the Earl of Wiltshire had been ordered to recruit. The most likely disembarkation point would be Milford Haven.
The Lancastrian force included men from Wales, England, Ireland, France, Holland, and some Bretons. Most of the commanders within Tudor’s force were relatively low-ranked. Esquires from his Welsh territories are those named in the few surviving records. These men, from the Haverfordwest area, would appear to be lacking in both rank and military experience. And they were to lead a very mixed army. It included battle-hardened men in the form of mercenaries. Retainers from Wales were in the Tudor army. These would have some experience. The largest body of men is thought to have been lightly armed and most probably inexperienced. The commanders of the Lancastrian force faced several problems. Language was one. This army contained people who spoke at least 5 different languages. Whilst many men would speak two to some degree of understanding, communication would be a problem. Knowledge was the second problem that they would need to overcome. For them to impact the wider conflict, they would need to leave the estates of the Earl of Pembroke. For most of this army, this would be uncharted territory against a force familiar with the terrain. Lastly, Tudor had an army that was largely inexperienced and was not used to the commanders under whom they would fight. Tackling this would take time, and he did not have much of that.
On the other hand, the Yorkist army was drawn from estates that had long been loyal to the Duke of York. The marcher lords had a longstanding system of having trained retainers. Edward Earl of March could therefore choose to opt for quality over quantity in his recruitment. If scouts suggested that additional manpower would be required, it was locally available.
Again, the lack of records makes it hard to know when news of the Battle of Wakefield reached either the Earl of March or Earl of Pembroke. The news probably reached Edward in around a week, several days before it would arrive at Pembroke Castle. This gives the Yorkists a time advantage. Edward would have heard first and then had the benefit of Tudor having to march over one hundred miles to get within reach of his own force. This gives Edward a week, if not more, of time in which to prepare. This meant that the Yorkist commanders could choose where they were to intercept the advancing Lancastrian force.
There were not many routes that Jasper Tudor would be expected to take on his way to meet with the main body of the Lancastrian force. He could march directly east towards London, but this would be foolhardy given the Yorkist dominance along the entirety of that journey. Instead, it was more likely that he would need to join with the force in the North of England. Either way, Jasper Tudor would need to address the problem of the Yorkist army under the Earl of March. Whichever way he chose to march, Edward was a threat that needed to be eliminated. This made a march upon the Ludlow and Wiglow region almost certain. The choice of approach was governed by distance, geography, and weather. Some routes went through the 1000 feet high passes of the Brecons, hard in summer, more so in winter. He needed to forage for the horses accompanying his army and supplies for his men. A lower-lying route would be required.
This meant that realistically the Lancastrians would have a choice of two valleys through which they could travel. The two routes merged at the location now known as Mortimer’s Cross. The area is a plain through which the River Lugg flows. As the two valleys converge, a steep hill is on the left and a slope, probably wooded in the 15th century, lay to the right. With a wide enough frontage for the Yorkists to form up, the Lancastrians could be forced into a narrow battle formation. From their flanks, they could be subjected to hails of arrows and fire from any artillery that was available to the Yorkist lords.
There is debate among historians over the precise route taken by the Lancastrians. A debate has also taken place over the precise date of the battle, and its location. Contemporary sources such as the English Chronicle suggest that it was St. Blaise’s Day, 3rd February, near Wigmore. Others suggest the 2nd of February.
“The iijde day of Feuerer … , Edward the noble erIe of Marche faught with the Walsshmen besyde Wygmore in Wales, whos capteyns were the erle of Penbrook and the erle of Wylshyre, that wolde fynally haue dystroyed the sayde erIe of Marche. ‘And the Monday before the daye of batayle, that ys to say, in the feest of Puryficacion of oure blessed Lady abowte x atte clocke before none, were seen iij sonnys in the fyrmament shynyng fulle clere, whereof the peple hade grete mervayle, and therof were agast. The noble erle Edward thaym comforted and sayde, “Beethe of good comfort, and dredethe not; thys ys a good sygne, for these iij sonys betoken the Fader, the Sone, and the Holy Gost, and therefore late vs haue a good harte, and in the name of Almyghtye God go we agayns oure enemyes.” And so by His grace, he had the vyctory of his enemyes, and put the ij erIes to flyghte, and slow of the Walsshemen to the nombre of iiij M”. (English Chronicle)
The site of the Battle remains subject to investigation by archaeologists. The research is being undertaken as part of a Heritage Lottery Funded project. Delayed due to covid, the findings as they become available are being placed onto the Mortimer’s Cross 1461 website.
Sources hint at the location of the battle. The Brut Chronicle saying:
‘And this tyme, therl of Marche beyng in Shrewsbury, hering the deth of his fadre, desired Assistence & Ayd of the town for tavenge his fadres deth; & fro thense went to Walys, wher, at Candelmasse after, he had A batail at Mortimess Crosse Ayenst therles of Penbrok & of Wilshire…’
And Stow’s Chronicle noting:
“Than came sodenly oþer tidynges that the Erle of Wildshire and the Erle of Pembroke by see were come in to Walys with Frensshemen and Brettons, and Iresshe men, comynge and reysen Walys thorowe purposynge hem for to distroye hym, and he with all his men torned a yene bacwarde into Walis and mett with hem at Mortymers Crosse, where that hit was saide on a Sonday Candilmasday by the morowe appeared the sonne as iij sonnys sondry on hym in the este and closyd a yene to geder”.
Modern analysis of the site of the battle comes in several forms. Some academics make use of source material. Landscape archaeologists refer to the Physical Geography of the area and historical records relating to it, combined with contemporary accounts. Battlefield archaeologists make use of finds to investigate the areas in which a Battle may have taken place. Most modern studies combine a mixture of these techniques in a multi-disciplinary approach. This is the case in current studies of the Battle of Mortimer’s Cross.
“While the precise location of the battle is unclear, being described as Wigmore or near Wales in some sources, there was clearly political capital to be gained by emphasising its proximity to Mortimer’s Cross. Indeed, it is noteworthy that the source closest in production to the date of the battle does not name it while later references, even where the vision is not mentioned, do state it took place at Mortimer’s Cross. The vision, geography and victory collectively emphasised Yorkist legitimacy in spiritual, dynastic and military terms. In stemming from the legacy of one battle and being augmented by subsequent incidents this was also clearly an evolving visual and textual rhetoric, not an approach strategised from the outset” Donahue, p311/12
As the contemporary sources and Donahue suggest, the most likely battle site is at Mortimer’s Cross. It is not the only site being investigated, though. Finds over a reasonably wide area have been recovered, which is typical of an area where large armies have camped, had staging posts, fought, or fled. Isolating the main battlefield is one of the primary objectives of the current research.
Dr Tracey Partida, a Landscape Archaeologist, has produced a detailed report on the region. The images included within her report make it clear that the area’s physical Geography plays a large part in identifying where the Battle took place. These features would have formed a large part of the strategic thinking of the commanders in 1461.
Figure 2 of Dr Partida’s report illustrates the topography of the area very clearly. Mortimer’s Cross stands out as an ideal position from which the Yorkists could dominate an engagement with their Lancastrian foes. Within the report, there is a detailed examination of the history of land management in the area and the analysis of the region’s mapping using all available sources. This makes it clear what the potential routes taken by Jasper Tudor and his men could have been. This allows an appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of each possible site to be undertaken. [The report is accessible here]
Battlefield Archaeology takes the form of investigating sites of interest. This can involve using geophysics to scan an area, metal-detecting equipment [legally] and traditional methods of excavating trenches to ascertain what lay beneath the ground. The methods combine to provide finds. For a Battlefield, these finds could be armour, weapons, equipment or human remains. The type and density of find in any given area provides evidence about the nature of activity at that location. For example, lots of arrowheads in an area is a common battlefield find. This would relate to the regions targeted by archers and provide evidence of where a battle had formed up.
Dr Glenn Foard discusses the Battlefield Archaeology being undertaken for the Battle of Mortimer’s Cross in this video.
As the armies prepared for the battle, an unusual sight was seen in the sky. A parhelion, also known as a Sun Dog, or Sun in Splendour, became visible. This is a rare natural occurrence. It happens as light passes through frozen air crystals. As it passes through, the light is reflected and gives the impression that there are three suns.
In the late medieval era such sights could be seen as omens. Edward seized upon this and is said to have made a speech to his men that used the parhelion as a sign that god was on their side. The Lancastrian response to the vision is not recorded, though it is possible that it was visible to their rear. The 3 suns were to become one of the symbols most closely associated with Edward once he became king.
Little is recorded about the nature of the battle itself. Therefore, it can only be assumed that it was conducted in the same way as most battles of the period. This saw the armies draw up into three ‘battles’ (formations) with archers to the flanks. Guns in the form of early cannon may have been available at Mortimer’s Cross. These may have been deployed to the flanks or in front of the vanguard (central battle). An exchange from each side’s archers and artillery would be the opening of a typical medieval battle. At Mortimer’s Cross, it seems likely that the Yorkists held the advantage of their archers and any available ordnance being on high ground. This could have a devastating effect on their enemy.
In this case, survivors and those within the range of arrows would likely move away from the flanks. This would push the three battles into a tight space. In such circumstances, the Yorkists would be able to advance onto an enemy that could not respond as it wished. The Yorkist vanguard could attack the Lancastrians’ front lines, whilst the Yorkist archers simply moved closer and rained arrows onto the flanks and rear of the crowded space.
That this is what happened is primarily based on the fact that it is known that several men fled the battle at an early stage. For this to have occurred suggests either panic or a realisation that the position held was undefendable. The topography of the area and finds of arrowheads also suggests that this may have been the case. The final findings of the Mortimer’s Cross Battlefield Project will hopefully clarify whether this is what happened.
What is known is that the battle was a Yorkist victory. The Lancastrian army was put to flight, Stow’s chronicle stating that:
“And anone fresshly and manly he toke the felde upon his enemyes and put hem at flyght, and slewe of them iij ml, and some of ther capteyns were take and he hedide, but Pembroke and Wildshire stale a wey prevely disgysed and fled oute of the contrey”. Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles with Historical Memoranda by John Stowe, ed. James Gairdner (London, 1880),
A rout then followed with the Yorkists chasing the Lancastrians and slaying those who they found. In the rout, several Lancastrian commanders were captured. Among these was Owen Tudor. Owen was Jasper Tudor’s father and step-father of King Henry VI, having married Catherine of Valois after the death of King Henry V. Gregory’s Chronicle states that:
“Ande in that jornay was Owyn Tetyr i-take and brought unto Herforde este, an he was be heddyde at the market place, and hys hedde sette a-pone the hygheyste gryce of the market crosse, and a madde woman kembyd hys here and wysche a way the blode of hys face, and she gate candellys and sette a-boute hym brennynge, moo then a C. Thys Owyne Tytyr was fadyr unto the Erle of Penbroke, and hadde weddyd Quene Kateryn, Kyng Harry the VI. ys modyr, wenyng and trustyng all eway that he shulde not be hedyd tylle he sawe the axe and the blocke, and whenn that he was in hys dobelet he trustyd on pardon and grace tylle the coler of hys redde vellvet dobbelet was ryppyd of. Then he sayde, “That hede shalle ly on the stocke that was wonte to ly on Quene Kateryns lappe,” and put hys herte and mynde holy unto God, and fulle mekely toke hys dethe”.
Source 1: English Chronicle, edited by Davies
“‘abowte x atte clocke before none, were seen iij sonnys in the fyrmament shynyng fulle clere, whereof the peple hade grete mervayle, and therof were agast. The noble erle Edward thaym comforted and sayde, “Beethe of good comfort, and dredethe not; thys ys a good sygne, for these iij sonys betoken the Fader, the Sone, and the Holy Gost, and therefore late vs haue a good harte, and in the name of Almyghtye God go we agayns oure enemyes.” And so by His grace, he had the vyctory of his enemyes’. Davies, English Chronicle, p. 110.
Source 2: Carolyn Donahue, PhD Thesis
“…at Mortimer’s Cross Edward was described as taking the field ‘fresshly and manly’, and his performance on the battlefield at Towton was reported by one individual at the heart of the new regime as singlehandedly turning the tide of battle, as he had thrown himself into the struggle with supreme courage”. Carolyn Donahue PhD Theses, in which she cites Short English Chronicle, p. 77; letter of the bishop of Salisbury of 7 April 1461, CSPM, p. 64.
Source 3: Carolyn Donahue, PhD Thesis
“At Mortimer’s Cross, Edward’s valour had reportedly put to flight many of his enemies and chronicles fixated on those who fled even where they noted nothing else about the battle. The earls of Pembroke and Wiltshire, for example, were said to have stolen away in disguise to save themselves”. Carolyn Donahue’s PhD drawing on: Short English Chronicle, p. 77; Davies, English Chronicle, p. 110; Gregory, p. 211; Annales, vol 2 part 2 p. 776; Benet, p. 229.
Source 4: John Stow, Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles with Historical Memoranda
“And the Erle of Marche kept his Crytmas at Glowceter. And when tythinges came that my lorde his fader and his brother with many oþper lordys falsely was mortherd and slayne, to hym the grettes hevynes that might be, and how the northe was reysed like as it a for wretyn commynge southewarde, than a none he dide sende in to dyverse shires of knowlache, and after he hadde xxx ml of gode men commyng to fyght with hem. Than came sodenly oþer tidynges that the Erle of Wildshire and the Erle of Pembroke by see were come in to Walys with Frensshemen and Brettons, and Iresshe men, comynge and reysen Walys thorowe purposynge hem for to distroye hym, and he with all his men torned a yene bacwarde into Walis and mett with hem at Mortymers Crosse, where that hit was saide on a Sonday Candilmasday by the morowe appeared the sonne as iij sonnys sondry on hym in the este and closyd a yene to geder. And than he kneled doune on his kneis and made his prayers and thanked God. And anone fresshly and manly he toke the felde upon his enemyes and put hem at flyght, and slewe of them iij ml, and some of ther capteyns were take and he hedide, but Pembroke and Wildshire stale a wey prevely disgysed and fled oute of the contrey. And a none forthe with he made him redy a gayne in the marche of Walis, and on the Thorsday the first weke of Lenten he came to London with xxx ml men of Westren men and Walsshmen, Kentes men and Esex men togeders, and so in feld and towne everychone called Edward Kynge of Ingelond and of Fraunce. And the iiijth day of Marche he rode to Westmester and resseyved the septor with his dignite”. ‘A Short English Chronicle: London under Henry VI (1422-71)’, in Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles with Historical Memoranda by John Stowe, ed. James Gairdner (London, 1880), pp. 58-78. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/camden-record-soc/vol28/pp58-78 [accessed 20 March 2021].
Source 5: ‘Gregory’s Chronicle: 1461-1469’ ed. James Gairdner
“Alle so Edwarde Erle of Marche, the Duke of Yorke ys sone and heyre, hadde a gre jornaye at Mortymer ys Crosse in Walys the secunde day of Februar nexte soo folowynge, and there he put to flyght the Erle of Penbroke, the Erle of Wylteschyre. And there he toke and slowe of knyghtys and squyers, and of the, to the nomber of iij Ml., &c.
Ande in that jornay was Owyn Tetyr i-take and brought unto Herforde este, an he was be heddyde at the market place, and hys hedde sette a-pone the hygheyste gryce of the market crosse, and a madde woman kembyd hys here and wysche a way the blode of hys face, and she gate candellys and sette a-boute hym brennynge, moo then a C. Thys Owyne Tytyr was fadyr unto the Erle of Penbroke, and hadde weddyd Quene Kateryn, Kyng Harry the VI. ys modyr, wenyng and trustyng all eway that he shulde not be hedyd tylle he sawe the axe and the blocke, and whenn that he was in hys dobelet he trustyd on pardon and grace tylle the coler of hys redde vellvet dobbelet was ryppyd of. Then he sayde, “That hede shalle ly on the stocke that was wonte to ly on Quene Kateryns lappe,” and put hys herte and mynde holy unto God, and fulle mekely toke hys dethe.
Alle soo the same day that the Erle of Marche shulde take hys jornaye towarde Mortymer ys Crosse fro Herforde este, he mousterd hys many with owte the towne wallys in a mersche that ys callyd Wyg mersche. And ovyr hym men say iij sonnys schynyng”.
‘Gregory’s Chronicle: 1461-1469’, in The Historical Collections of a Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century, ed. James Gairdner (London, 1876), pp. 210-239. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/camden-record-soc/vol17/pp210-239 [accessed 20 March 2021].
Source 6: Annales Rerum Anglicarum
3rd February ‘a battle was fought near Wigmore at Mortimers Cross, where the Earl of March with 51,000 (?15,000) men attacked the Earl of Pembroke with 8000, and there fled from the field there the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Wiltshire and many others…’
Source 7: Croyland Chronicle
‘Meanwhile, the duke’s eldest son, Edward Earl of March, campaigning against the queen’s supporters in Wales, won a glorious victory over them at Mortimer’s Cross.’
Source 8: English Chronicle
“The noble erle Edward thaym comforted and sayde, “Beethe of good comfort, and dredethe not; thys ys a good sygne, for these iij sonys betoken the Fader, the Sone, and the Holy Gost, and therefore late vs haue a good harte, and in the name of Almyghtye God go we agayns oure enemyes”.
Problems in identifying the site of the Battle
Donahue summarises the problems faced by historians and archaeologists studying the site of the battle. The contemporary and near contemporary sources making a range of suggestions:
“The closest source is a letter of the Milanese ambassador to France to the duke of Milan of 11 March 1461, CSPM, p. 57, which does not give a site but notes the recovery of Wales as an outcome of victory. The battle is also said to have taken place at Wigmore, around four miles from Mortimer’s Cross, Davies, English Chronicle, p. 110, also Annales, vol 2 part 2 p. 775; Benet, p. 229, describes it as having taken place ‘in Wallia’; Flenley, Six Town Chronicles, p. 167 in the marches of Wales. Short English Chronicle, p. 77; Kingsford, Chronicles of London, p. 172; Crowland, p. 113; Gregory, p. 211 all state the battle took place at Mortimer’s Cross”. Donahue
This page has been updated to support work being conducted by the Battlefields Trust and Mortimer’s Cross Battlefield Trust. Once completed it will include an Education Pack, which includes the text and sources on this page. The project seeks to clarify questions about the site of the battle and the nature of the fighting that took place there. Education Resources will be posted in the Education Section of the Battlefields Trust website.
Bibliography and Further Reading
Boardman, A. The Medieval Soldier in the Wars of the Roses. Sutton, 1998. Pages 17 and 117.
Brie W.D. ed., The Brut, or the Chronicles of England, vol. 2 (Early English Text Society, old series, 136, 1908), p.531
Camden, W (ed) Annales rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum regnante Elizabetha. English. Book 1-3
Donahue, C. Public Display and the Construction of Monarchy in Yorkist England, 1461-85. University of York
Dunn D (ed) ‘The Naming of Battlefields in the Middle Ages’ in War and Society in Medieval and Early Modern Britain (Liverpool, 2000), pp. 34-52.
Gairdner J (ed) ‘Gregory’s Chronicle: 1461-1469’, in The Historical Collections of a Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century
Harvey J (ed) Itineraries [of] William Worcestre. Edited from the Unique MS. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 210
James, J. Edward IV, Glorious Son of York. Amberley, 2017. P81-85
Hodges G. The Civil War of 1459 to 1461 in the the Welsh Marches: Part 2 The Campaign and Battle of Mortimer’s Cross – St Blaise’s Day, 3 February 1461
Lewis, M. The Wars of the Roses, The Key Players in the Struggle for Supremacy. Amberley, 2015. Pages 121-122.
Moorhouse, D. On this day in the Wars of the Roses.
Seward, D. The Wars of the Roses and the lives of five men and women in the Fifteenth century. Constable, 1995. Page 75
Wiedenheft E. With a woman’s bitterness: Early propaganda against female rulers in medieval chronicles in the twelfth and fifteenth centuries. University of Northern Iowa
The battle was Edward’s first victory as a military commander. As the leader of the Yorkist faction, he soon proclaimed himself to be the king and launched the Towton campaign that saw that claim come to fruition.
Battles in the Wars of the Roses
First Battle of St. Albans – Battle of Blore Heath – Battle of Ludford Bridge – Battle of Northampton – Battle of Wakefield – Battle of Mortimer’s Cross – Second Battle of St. Albans Battle of Ferrybridge – Battle of Towton – Battle of Hedgeley Moor – Battle of Hexham – Battle of Edgecote Moor – Battle of Losecote Field – Battle of Barnet – Battle of Tewkesbury – Battle of Bosworth – Battle of Stoke Field
Documents, Maps and Evidence
People and periods
British History – The Wars of the Roses – The Plantagenets – The Tudors – King Henry IV – King Henry V – King Henry VI – King Edward IV – King Edward V – King Richard III – King Henry VII – Margaret of Anjou